Saturday, 16 February 2013

3.9 Sanitarium


3.9      Sanitarium

The climate of the hills being similar to that of Europe attracted the attention of the British as they were of the view that it would be best suited for a sanatorium. Scott suggested establishing a Convalescent Station in the Khasi Hills, as it would be beneficial to the European constitution throughout the year.

There were several prospective locations for the establishment of a Sanatorium or Cantonment for European troops. The advantage presented by Sohra (Cherrapoonjee) were so evident and carried sufficient weight to be chosen as the most desirable spot. Other contenders were Nongkhlaw, Mawphlang, Mawsmai and Sohra Rim (Old Cherra).
Sohra’s superiority was mainly due to its accessibility. It possessed the means of water carriage close to the foot of the hills during the rains for boats of considerable size. Its proximity to Pandua and Chatak were vital. Pandua was accessible to smaller ships all the year round and Chatak was navigable by all boats at all seasons.
Sohra had abundant sandstone which could be used for building purposes. There was lime and timber for common carpentry purposes or fuel and there was an abundance of excellent water. Its proximity to Sylhet would enable the Bengali artisans to come from Sylhet and Chatak. Sohra also possessed an extent of level ground sufficient for the amusement and exercise of the European population on horseback and in carriage as well as military parades. There were tolerable roads for the dry season and these could be covered with broken stones and rendered paradable during the rainy season.
The English entertained the salubrity and fitness of the hills for the cantonment and sanatorium of European troops under the proper provisions of buildings and even clothing, adopted was suitable to the climate. A residence in the hills would also be found beneficial to the children of the Europeans, and so, they decided to recommend the removal of a considerable number of children, first of the Lower Orphan School, as an experimental measure.
As to the transfer of certain lands in the plains of Sylhet to the Syiem of Sohra in exchange for the land at Sohra ceded by him to the government for the purpose of a sanatorium in 1829-30, the Syiem was extremely desirous of obtaining the sovereignty over the land near Pandua as a rent free tenure in settlement of his claim.
A European gentleman by the name of Fenwick was placed in charge of the buildings for superintending the first establishment of the sanatorium, until a medical officer was appointed to reside there during the year for the purpose as well as professional assistance to occasional visitors who may be desirous of trying a change of air as of making daily and careful observations of the temperature and other local and atmospheric influence which might affect the human frame.
The Syiem of Sohra was to receive as much land of the best description in the neighbourhood of Pandua as might be required by the Government on the hills for the said Sanatorium and that he was to be allowed to establish a bazaar to be under his authority upon a piece of ground in the village of Mouzuh Burryaile, which he had already purchased from the Zamindar.
Agreeable to the terms and conditions, a plot of land was selected, which according to Scott, was the most convenient for the purpose. A written agreement to this effect was therefore executed between Scott and Dewan Singh, Syiem of Sohra on 12 September 1829.
Scott then planned how he could station a Company of European troops there, though the land had been given on the understanding that it was for the reception of the invalids. He was of the view that the presence of a European Company would create upon the mountaineers an impression of subordination to the British power.
During 1830-31, Scott’s attention had been directed towards developing the resources of the Cassya country. The success of the Sanatarium was largely due to his efforts. From a political point of view, he looked forward to these, and the Neelgherry and Simla hills, as proper sites for establishing colonies, in which a race of hardy European soldiers could be reared, capable of affording the British support amidst the various shocks to which their Indian empire may be exposed in future. It was speculated that Scott must have had in mind the possibility of British maritime supremacy being endangered, thereby cutting off their supply of recruits.
A very favourable report having been made by Fisher and Tucker on the country about Churra Poonjee, Scott hoped that the Government would take some decisive steps for the establishment of a Sanatary[1], and he had written to recommend, that a Surgeon should be appointed to take charge, and make arrangements to render it available to the public. Much would depend upon the person who may be appointed to superintend it, as he must not only be of good medical repute, but also capable of keeping the visitors in order. This would require mediating any differences that may arise between them and the fiery mountaineers, and negotiating with the latter for lands, and privileges.
Scott wondered if a close friend, Mr. Lamb could be tempted to leave his comfortable residence at Dacca for this untried land. It was not altogether impossible that Lamb might be induced to undertake the duty, as a pleasant way of passing the last few years Lamb meant to remain in the country. In Lamb’s hands the experiment would be a fair trial, while, to lady visitors, Mrs. Lamb's presence would prove a powerful attraction. This would also render the place a delectable residence, an agreeable society. From Fisher's report, it appeared that the difficulties of the ascent had been much exaggerated.
As the conflict dragged on, David Scott    began to think of a plan of establishing a small cantonment for European troops in the hills. To start with, he proposed that 40 to 50 invalids might be sent up to Cherrapunji to recover their health. In his communication to the Government of India he recommended that: 

"should the experiment prove favourable, many excellent sites for the Cantonment of troops are at the disposal of Government or may be obtained further in advance of Churra, at a greater elevation and in a drier climate."  

The cost of transporting a month's rations for the troops, he calculated, would not be above one rupee per month per man. To supplement these rations, he thought that cattle could be purchased sufficient for 300 men to be allowed free range in the hills where good pasturage was available, adding the remark that these cattle would also provide manure for vegetables for the use of the troops. The more he thought of the idea, the more it attracted him and by August he had raised his estimate and proposed the purchase of 20,000 head of black cattle, sufficient for 2,000 troops.  

He wrote that "The Neilgherry hills and the Cossya mountains appear to me to be situations in each of which from five to ten thousand men might be located". He expressed his conviction that such colonists would be better and more reliable in any confrontation with foreign powers, particularly Russia, over the steadily growing Indian Empire. He further added:

“I would propose that these Colonies should be or a purely military character and that ordinary settlers should not be admitted unless they became subject to martial law ...The sole object in view is to provide at a small expense a large body of European troops for the defence of our Indian Empire and no inferior considerations should be allowed to interfere in any way with its accomplishment in the most certain and perfect manner.” 

To prepare the ground for his plan, he deputed a military expert, Lieutenant Thomas Fisher, on a reconnaissance tour of the Khasi highlands, although he himself favoured Mylliem, because of its climate and easy terrain. In suggesting Mylliem, Scott might also have been influenced by political considerations. With a colony of Europeans at this place, Bor Manik Syiem, who was also his implacable foe, would be kept under firm control.  

Fisher recommended two places - both of which were close to Mylliem. The first site was between 'Chillingdeo' (perhaps the Shillong Peak) and Nongkrem embracing an area or 6.5 to 8 sq. kms or 4 to 5 square miles “unbroken by any undulation which could not be easily rendered practicable for wheel'd carriages”. The second site was to the south of Mylliem, a plain south of Nogundee (probably Nongkynrih) and located around Laitlyngkot. Fisher himself preferred this site, as it:

“possesses all the advantages of the before mentioned but is probably a little lower though not so much so as to be perceptibly warmer, and as the access from Pandua to this spot is easier than to the first, I incline to give it a decided preference.” 

As it happened, the Council in Calcutta appeared to have regarded this proposal to establish a colony in the hills with some reservation, the primary consideration being the remoteness of the area. The death of David Scott on 20 August 1831 virtually killed the whole scheme, although T. C. Robertson who succeeded him, reiterated the soundness of the idea as a means or pacification of the Khasis. In July 1832, he wrote to the Government of India: 

"If the expediency of having a European force in this quarter be admitted ...where is a position to be found so adaptable in every respect for a European Cantonment as these hills afford! Here, in a climate as congenial to the constitution as that or their native land, might a Regiment be stationed, bearing on its left upon Assam, on its right upon Cachar and Munnypore, and when a road across the hills shall be made, able to move down upon either point at a few days' warning".  

He added that with such a European force in addition to the Sylhet and Assam Light Infantry and Goalpara sebundies, the services of the regular sepoys would not be needed. While this proposal met with no favourable response, Robertson's subsidiary proposal to settle the Man and Manipuri mercenaries at Mairang and Nongkhlaw was more favourable received. Ultimately, neither plan was implemented.
The northern areas such as Myriaw and Rambrai clung tenaciously to Tirot’s side. It was Rambrai, Myriaw, Nongshai (Nongpoh) and Jirang which despatched men and arms to Tirot thus enabling him to hold the ground for 4 years just as Mawsmai did so on the south and persisted in the uprising until 1832 when Muken Singh was captured.
Military regiments of the Company were composed of Nepali, Sikh, Manipuri, Gurkha, Mann and the Assam Corps. From time to time military contingents were despatched from Sylhet and Goalpara Districts. At Rambrai, Myriaw, Jirang and other places to the north, a series of battles were fought. Exhausted of their resources, Myriaw and Rambrai states were coerced into submission. Myriaw surrendered in September and Rambrai accepted the treaty in October 1829.
Nongstoin, hitherto a neutral State, appeared to have joined the movement in 1831, Mit Singh its Syiem made an inroad in 1831, in consequence of which several of his villages on that frontier were taken from him, and annexed.
The resources everywhere were being exhausted and there was fear of starvation. The Company troops were scattered in all directions to quell the rebellion. The Company stopped all communications between Kamrup and the hills and enforced a blockade.
Mylliem itself fell in May 1829 and the surrender of Bor Manik became inevitable towards the close of 1829. In August 1829, he was engaged in affecting a joint defence of Shella and Sohbar. It appears that the capture of Bor Manick was achieved by devious means. On Scott's halt in the hills in 1829, he sent for the Syiem announcing his intention to restore Desh Dimurua to him.
In good faith he agreed to accompany the Jemadar, who immediately seized and handed him over to Scott at Nongkhlaw. He was confined in chains and a demand of Rs.3,300 was made. Moreover he had to hand over two of his nephews as hostages. To obtain his liberty, he agreed to these conditions and gave a written agreement before he was released. The hostages were always present with Scott and one of them actually died while with him in Assam.
Singh Manick's neutral position caused difficulties to both Khyrim and Mylliem. Singh Manick was an heir apparent to the throne of Khyrim by virtue of the previous arrangement that he should have been reinstated after Bor Manick's death. Shortly before Bor Manick's capture, an engagement between him and Singh Manick was made in which the latter was reinstated in Khyrim. Bor Manick fought the Company at Sonapur, Bortula, Mawsmai, Laitkroh and Mylliem in his own dominion. And now to suffer humiliation of defeat and be reinstated with limited sovereignty was too much to bear – he decided to flee the country.
A guerrilla warfare had already begun and the leaders were Monbhut, Lorshon Jarain and Khein Kongor.



[1]Appendix No. 9: From Mr. Scott to Mr. Lamb, Singamaree, 20th May (1830?).

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