3.11 Ensign
David Hay Brodie
Scott came up with novel methods to pursue
the Cassyas and would have followed it up, if not for his health condition. It
so happened, that a very intelligent young officer, Brodie, of the 13th Native
Infantry heard Scott on one of these occasions. Being adventurous, the idea
fired his mind, and he immediately proposed a plan which was adopted.
Disguised as a Sebundy sepoy, with his face and legs blackened, he started from Nongkhlao, accompanied by a sepoy of tried courage, and two Cossyas allied to British interests. When near Monbot's haunts, the Cassyas were led by ropes, as if Brodie and the sepoy were returning with them as prisoners from an expedition. Although Monbot may have been in the viscinity, the ruse did not work. Monbot was either absent, or did not choose to risk an encounter with two practised shots.
Brodie soon commanded a party of 25 or 30
Cassyas, who had espoused the British cause, and in the cold season of 1830,
when Lower Assam was invaded, performed essential
services. He was quite attached to these mountaineers and rivalled them in leading
a simple, hardy life. He performed astonishing marches on foot, without a tent
and living on the same food as his men. Undeterred by the dread of miasma, he
penetrated the densest jungles, and ferreted the Cassyas out of their haunts.
Unable to pin down the raiders to one
decisive engagement the British authorities tried out several measures to force
them to submit. The unorthodox tactics of Ensign Brodie for a time seemed to pay
dividends. During the spring of 1831, employing mostly Man and Manipuri
mercenaries, he descended upon villages in the north without warning. Villages
through which Khasi raiding parties had passed, were often treated as hostile
and attacked. Several were burnt down together with granaries. Stockpiles of
food in the suspected areas were methodically destroyed.
David Scott thoroughly approved of the
tactics adopted by Ensign Brodie but also proposed other measures which had
been tried out successfully elsewhere, namely closing the markets in the plains
to the mountaineers as a final resort. These measures were to be adopted if all
else failed, as closing the markets would harm the interests not only of the
people of the hills but also those of the plains.
The malignant air of these woods proved too
much for him and he sickened of fever. Dragging himself to Nongkhlao, he lay
ill for a few days, before he was borne to his grave. His dying hours uncheered
by the presence of any European, who could convey his last wishes to his
friends.
Scott had been shocked and distressed by the
news of Brodie's death[1].
He had only heard from Mirza (most likely to be his servant), that he was
brought in ill with fever on 20 April 1831, and died on the 23 April 1831.
Scott did everything in his power to prevent him from exposing himself to the deadly
jungles of the lower Cassya Hills. When Leslie
died, he pleaded with Brodie to stay away from the jungle, and send down the peons and sebundies to scour the country below.
But this was all in vain, and from his long
silence, after being down at the Loabhee Dower, Scott began to have forebodings
that all was not right. It was impossible for any European to stand that
climate at this season of the year. With his handful of Cassyas, Brodie had
reduced nearly the whole of the chiefs between Murrow and Loabhee in the course
of a fortnight, and Scott fully expected him to settle matters in that region.
It was probable that Brodie's death would produce some further commotion. It
was an irreparable loss to the establishment and improvement of the Cassya corps
and company.
Scott was also highly pleased with the
activity and gallantry of Captain Lister, Lieutenants Vetch and Townshend.
Above all Scott valued their gratuitous efforts in promoting negotiations with
the Cassya leaders, and in conducting other civil duties.
In 1831,
the circumstances on the Sylhet side brought about a Treaty with Mawsynram. But
greater was the loss of Monbhut from the camp of Tirot, when he changed sides
and professed his allegiance to the Company. Company records state that he had
slain one of Tirot's relatives and fearing his master's vengeance, he first
sought shelter in the western wilderness, but later surrendered to Lieutenant
Townsend at Nongkhlaw in October 1832 and was appointed Tax Collector.
For
some years, Scott was suffering from “palpitation, cat-mutter, swelling in his
legs, and seton in his breast”. The
complaint which finally brought Scott to a premature grave was the disorder
termed "ossification of the heart".
David
Scott died on 20 August 1831, aged 45 years and 3 months. A monument was
erected to his memory at Cherra Punji, at the public expense - an almost
unprecedented honour. A drawing of this handsome structure was made by a
Colonel Tickell, C. B. of the Engineers, which had been approved by the
Government. There the remains of David Scott now
sleep, amid those of the friends whom, in life he so sincerely loved and
lamented.
The following was the original inscription on
the black marble tablet of the monument erected at Cherra Punji:
OF
DAVID SCOTT,
Agent to the Governor
General on the North-East Frontier of Bengal, and Commissioner of Revenue and
Circuit in the districts of Assam, North-Eastern
part of Rungpore, Sheerpore, and Sylhet; died 20th August, 1831, aged 45 years.
Is erected by order
of the Supreme Government, as a public and lasting record of its consideration
for the personal character of the deceased, and its estimation of the eminent
services rendered by him in the administration of the extensive territory
committed to his charge.
By his demise, the
Government has been deprived of a most zealous, able, and intelligent servant,
whose loss it deeply laments; while his name will be held in grateful
remembrance and veneration by the native population, to whom he was justly
endeared by his impartial dispensation of justice, his kind and conciliatory
manners, and his constant and unwearied endeavours to promote their happiness
and welfare.
The
monument was erected for him at a tableland in Cherra, which is close to the
modern post office. It was arranged that until Thomas Campbell Robertson (Agent
to the Governor-General North East Frontier, 1831–1834) joined, W. Cracroft
would officiate as Agent. Upon Robertson devolved the task of enforcing a
strong economic blockade of the Cassya Hills by stopping bazaars and actively
enlisting fresh troops. In August 1832, the Sylhet Corps under Robertson was
strengthened with the addition of 2 Gurkha
Companies. Captain Lister was provided with an additional Corps of 100 men
from the Manns as an irregular force and a further 100 men from the Goalpara Sebundees. Additional European officers
were also provided.
At the
beginning of 1832, the Governor-General
directed the Agent to adopt more conciliatory methods for winning over the
belligerent groups. This policy decision[2]
was summed up thus:
“Fugitive Khasseahs
should surrender themselves and to all those who do so voluntarily life might
be guaranteed without exception; but liberty, which implies impunity, cannot in
the opinion of the Vice-President in Council be extended to Teerut Singh, or
the instigators and chief perpetrators of the massacre at Nunklow. These who
were concerned merely as servants of the chief, acting in obedience to his
orders, might have liberty assured to them provided that there should be
sufficient reason to rely on their future conduct.”
Letters
bearing this message were circulated to Syiems.
Large sums of money were provided to Tirot by several village heads near Sohra.
Tirot also drew supplies and provisions through the people of Sohra. During May
or June 1832, Tirot had a three day meeting with Bor Manick. Inhabitants of
many States had daily contacts with Tirot's men and supplied them with men,
weapons and intelligence.
During the
middle of June 1832, a party of Khasis at Nongkhlaw proposed to be armed with
muskets and adopt dark green jackets as a distinguishing uniform. In the
correspondence with Robertson, G. W. Swinton, Chief Secretary to the
Government, wrote:
"The Vice-President-in-Council
relied on your discretion as to putting fire-arms into the hands of any Kossiah
tribe which may be advisable or otherwise according to the degree of confidence
that may justly be reposed in their fidelity and adherence".
By 1832, reports or the purchase of firearms
from Dacca (Dhaka) and Mymensingh began to reach the British Government and
Robertson reported the matter to the Governor-General. In June 1832, an armed
party under Lieutenant H. Rutherford was ambushed near the Umiam-Mawphlang
(Bogapani) by a party of Khasis who killed the leading sepoy. Lieutenant Rutherford reported some novel features which bad
been absent in his previous encounters with the Khasis in 1830. This was the
capture of the dead soldier's musket and the brazen attempt to cut off his head
in front of Rutherford and 4 other sepoys
- a reckless act which cost the would-be headsman his own life. The Khasis
displayed skill in the choice of concealment behind stones to neutralize the
effects of retaliating fire and the superior condition and equipment of the
leading men "eight of whom we saw
armed with musquets and clothed in red cloth jackets".
Rutherford commented on the admirable site
chosen for the ambush:
"its being I believe the first time they have ventured to attack a party
on the Chcrra side of Moflong (Mawphlang). They must have had full time to make
up their minds”, he went on, "as the hill at the foot of which they were
lying in wait is 1500 foot high and a party visible from nearly the top to the
bottom, and I do not hesitate to say that had it not been for the highly
creditable conduct of the naick and eight sepoys of the Sylhet Light Infantry
who accompanied me, they might have had some chance of success.”
Rutherford concluded:
"This together with the late attack on Mr Assistant Surgeon
Morton on the Nungkhlaw side whom they plundered and obliged to return to
Gewhatty evince little inclination on the part of Tirot Sing's party to come to
an amicable settlement as the Cossyah who was killed was identified as one of
his gholosims named Ootar".
The troubled conditions persisted through
1832. Writing to Bengal in July 1832, Robertson stated that:
"while Teerut Sing lives and retains his
freedom, a feeling of loyalty towards him and a general wish to promote his
success, or at least to save him from destruction, will ever operate to keep
alive the spirit of resistance among all who are hostile and ensure his
receiving supplies and underhand assistance even from those who are most
friendly to us".
In 1832, the British officially recorded:
“Two British subjects were passing along the high road in Assam when
they were suddenly seized, carried up into the hills in the neighbourhood of
Goba, and after having been decked with new clothes and jewels, they were led
to be sacrificed, together with two other persons, also subjects of this
government. One of the individuals first named succeeded in making his escape
and on his return to the plains he gave information of what had occurred, and,
as his statement was corroborated by many collateral circumstances, there is no
reason whatever to doubt the truth of what he said. The crime was perpetrated;
it is to be feared as, regards the other three individuals, as they have never
since heard of...”
In August
1832, Robertson was authorised to vest Captain Lister with the power of
stopping the bazaars whenever he may find it expedient and of detaining
suspected persons as well as known enemies. Robertson had been making attempts
to negotiate with the Syiems in his
scheme to disband and isolate Tirot from the hostile camp. Singh Manick had
from the very beginning adopted a neutral stand. The Company persuaded him to play
the role of a mediator between the hostile parties.
On the south-eastern
side of Shillong Peak, lies Nongkrem, the head quarter of the Khyrim Syiems. On 19 September 1832, Captain
Lister with Lieutenant Rutherford deputed by Robertson, proceeded to Nongkrem
in which Singh Manick was requested to arrange an interview with Tirot. Under
Singh Manick's guarantee of safety on September 23, Tirot came to an interview
with Company representatives at Nongkrem, expecting a favourable conclusion[3].
Tirot
refused to accept the terms because of the offer of limited Syiemship. He insisted on the
restoration of his country to the position of independence he had in the past
and the abandonment of the road through his State.
The Durbar adjourned and met the next day
in which Tirot did not attend but was represented by two Nongkhlaw Myntris. The Company representatives offered them the old
institution of a free Government, but in certain respects, they would be made
dependent on the Company. The terms were contingent on the surrender of Tirot.
The
Myntries refused to comply and betray their master. The Myntris demanded the
abandonment of the road and its diversion elsewhere and objected to the
surrender of Tirot[4]. The Company later
announced its honest intention to reach an agreement, for a peaceful settlement
with Tirot and his followers. At the same time, investigations were resumed to
find out the root cause of the disturbances that had flared up from time to
time. The fact that it continued so long was due to the help extended by the
people of Cherra and other States.
On 20
October 1832, the Company formulated an amnesty within a framework of specific
terms. The people were opposed to surrendering Tirot, as also the other terms
of the above engagement. The truce had no effect and the interviews were terminated.
The Company then negotiated with Jidor Singh, an eloquent spokesman of the
Nongkhlaw house in which he was promised to be put on the throne in place of Tirot,
provided he yielded an annual tribute for his dependency of Mawmluh. These
terms were rejected by Jidor Singh.
These terms
were announced to him at a Conference on 25 October 1832 in Cherra attended by
Singh Manick and others[5].
The conference further deliberated on 26 October in which Singh Manick and
other Syiems held prolonged negotiations about succession, in the event of
Tirot’s surrender. During deliberations, the Nongkhlaw spokesmen referred to an
unanimous decision reached among Nongkhlaw Myntris
that Jidor should succeed Tirot and the former in turn, on his death, should be
succeeded by Rijon and that to these terms, Tirot's brother, Sobha Singh, also
agreed.
While Singh
Manick's conduct was appreciated, the behaviour of Bor Manick, on the other
hand, has been less satisfactory and there was reason to suppose that he had
secretly fomented hostility[6].
Seeing how much misery was being inflicted on
the common people, some Khasi chiefs, including Sing Manik, offered to mediate
between the British and Tirot Sing. Months of protracted negotiations went on
without producing the desired results. Robertson decided in November 1832 to
instruct Captain Lister to resume military operations. It stands to Robertson's
credit that his instruction included a stipulation that Lister should refrain
from burning any villages. Even David Scott appeared to have accepted the
burning of many villages by Ensign Brodie in the previous year as a necessary
evil. Robertson thought differently. He emphasised that the plan hitherto
pursued:
"of setting fire to all villages of which the inhabitants manifested a
hostile disposition appears objectionable on the score of policy as well as of
humanity and never to have produced any good effect whatsoever".
In case Lister should find himself compelled
to resort to measures of extreme severity affecting not merely individuals but
the entire community, Robertson required that he should furnish immediately
"a particular report of all
circumstances of the case".
With the resumption of full-scale operations,
resistance could not last much longer. With dwindling resources on which they
could depend for the supply of food and arms, and with no fixed base
of operations, the Khasi guerrillas knew that they could no longer
hope to carry on for long with this unequal struggle. Contacts were made
with Tirot Sing by the Khasi mediators. The condition that Tiroi Sing's life
would be guaranteed at last began to produce results, although to the last
Tirot Sing insisted that the British should withdraw from his territory.
Tirot was
confined to a secret place. Another truce was arranged by his confidential Myntri, when the date of their next
meeting with the Government representatives was announced on 13 January 1833,
as Shilliang Um. It was agreed that Tirot was to meet the officers unattended
by an armed escort. Further negotiations were made for his conditional
surrender.
Captain
Inglis, posted at Shilliang Um, had already taken an oath not to harm him in
the presence of Khasi Syiems by
licking the grains of salt from the blade of the sword. On that appointed date,
the meeting took place at Nursing Giri, a mile from Shilliang Um. Tirot, inspite
of the condition to come escorted by the disarmed men, was accompanied by 30
bowmen and spearmen and 11 musketeers, Tirot's spokesmen having explained that Tirot's
coming with an armed escort was a sign of his voluntary surrender offered with
no compulsion from any side[7].
A few Syiems had played a role in affecting
this historic interview to take place. He was captured in a state of confusion
and through the betrayal affected by other persons including a few Syiems as he was handed over to Company
representatives headed by Hari Saheb
(Lieutenant Inglis) on the pretext of an interview for further terms. According
to traditional Khasi sources, he was captured near Pomlakrai on the Shillong
peak at some distance from the Diengiei peak.
According
to the same source, his capture was due to treachery of his own countrymen and
the losses that he had sustained. He lost the services of gifted men in battle or they had
changed sides on being baffled with riches and other attractions.
Thus Tirot
became a prisoner of war. Shortly after his capture, Tirot was first detained
at the military camp at Mairang. Next he was sent down to Gauhati through his
dominion where he attended the Foujdari
Court which sentenced him to deportation to Tenassarim (Burma). From
Gauhati, he was sent to Dacca to spend the rest of his life in prison. Broken in health and spirit he died in Dhaka
shortly afterwards on 17 July 1835.
Meanwhile, his nephew Rajan Sing, was put in
his place as the Syiem of Nongkhlaw.
He entered into an engagement with the British Government whereby he agreed to
fulfil all conditions imposed upon him and his Council to allow the British.
The Government was to construct roads, bridges, buildings; to furnish men and
materials for the same, the material to be paid for; to allow grazing land for
any number of cattle as might be sent by Government and to be responsible for
their proper care; to deliver up people wanted by the British for any offence
committed by them, and in return, for a period of one year, he was to be paid
Rs. 30 per month. This was the price paid by the Nongkhlaw Syiemship for the attempt to reassert its independence four years
earlier.
The sentence passed on Tirot Sing was the
severest on any of the several chiefs who had risen against the British. The
other chiefs in fact had their territories restored to them, having only to pay
punitive fines for the trouble they had caused. Most of the friendly chiefs
subsequently submitted themselves to the authority of the British. Apart from
the difference in regard to penalties imposed, all Khasi chieftainships,
irrespective of whether they had been hostile or not, were treated equally.
They were allowed full freedom in the
exercise of their customary authority, a limit only being placed on their power
to try offences, including capital offence, and cases involving non-Khasis and
Khasis of States other than their own. On their part, the British did not
interfere with the management of local affairs and never sought to assess any
revenue from Khasi States. Only a small house tax was imposed upon the villages that they had taken over
directly under their control, most of which were in the south Khasi Hills.
With the
capture of Tirot, the Company took rapid steps to complete the consolidation of
administration in the Kossiah Hills. Cherrapunji the headquarter became the
seat of Government where the Political
Agent to the Governor-General was
stationed. He was in charge of the relations between the Company and the Kossiah
States. The Khasi States which took an active part in the uprising were
punished. They were made to pay a heavy tribute to the Company. For instance a
fine of Rs.5,000 was imposed on 8 villages of Rambrai and fines of Rs.10,000 on
6 other Kossiah States[8].
Many areas
lying down the foothills and plains were wrested by the Company. In course of
time, some small villages were confiscated from the Native rulers and were
merged into the British areas. Only Nongspung, Khyrim, Nongstoin, Langrin and
Cherrapunji were treated as Independent States[9],
whereas the other states were reduced to Semi-Independent status. Except in
certain subjects, the States were not interfered with in affairs with respect
to internal administration. The Company resumed its task of annexation and
became the paramount power.
The last to
surrender was Lal Chand, or Lorshon a spirited leader in the Rambrai uprising.
His surrender came to occur in September 1833, nine months after Tirot was
handed over. Rambrai, having failed to pay an indemnity, all its territory in
the plains were confiscated subsequently.
Jhalook of
Jeeringam bore the brunt of the heavy punishment for joining hands in
plundering the British subjects at the Dwar Burgong. A fine of Rs.1,83l was imposed. The other victims were
OoLong Rajah of Panbaree and Sindo, Rajah of Bee Singh upon whom were inflicted
fines of Rs. 1,000 each. Ooroo Rajah of Baro and Taron Sungdo of Boko were due
to pay Rs.1,600 and Rs.150 respectively. Tynrong, Bairong and Daity Punji were
obliged to pay Rs.200 and Sohbar Punji also Rs.200 for sheltering criminals who
killed British subjects and employees on Bholaganj-Cherra road on 12 November
1831. Dur Singh, Syiem-long (Kala Raja
of Nongspung) and Kha Luskur (Lyngskor) were fined Rs.200 for aiding Jidor.
[1]Appendix
No. 23: Extract of a letter from Mr. Scott, dated Goalpara, 28 April 1831, to
Lieut. H. Vetch, of the Assam Light Infantry.
[2]For 1832 Dept. Pol ccn 23, Jan, No. 115, The letter issued from Fort William was addressed
to W. Cracroft, Officiating Agent to the Governor General North East Frontier.
[3]Pamberton,
Eastern Frontier, p. 238.
[7]Pamberton, Eastern Frontier, p, 243.
[8]Pamberton
Eastern Frontier, p, 236.
[9]Gait,
History of Assam, p, 355.
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